Most Common Names for African American Males -baby

"To be male, poor, and either African-American or Native-American is to confront, on a daily basis, a deeply held racism that exists in every social institution," writes our Brookings colleague Camille Busette . "No other demographic group has fared as badly, so persistently and for so long." To encounter this "appalling crisis," Camille calls for nothing less than " a New Deal for Black men. "

Creating this New Deal is 1 of the core priorities of the Race, Prosperity and Inclusion Initiative , directed by Camille, but as well of the new Boys and Men Project launched today out of the Centre on Children and Families. The elements of this New Deal volition likely consist of intentional policymaking in the fields of teaching and grooming, the labor market, family unit policy (peculiarly for fathers), criminal justice reform, and tackling concentrated poverty.

This is 1 area where it is reasonable to promise for some bipartisan activity. Witness the creation in 2019 of a new Commission on the Social Status of Black Men and Boys , charged with recommend ing  policies to " improve upon, or augment, current government programs. "  Th is  bipartisan Commission, consisting of nineteen members, will " investigate potential civil rights violations affecting black males and study the disparities they experience in educational activity, criminal justice, wellness, employment, fatherhood, mentorship and violence. " The Commission is required past law to written report annually and " make recommendations to amend the social conditions and provide vital guidance for Congress on effective strategies to reduce the racial disparities in education, criminal justice, health and employment. "

The legislation to create the Commission was introduced in the House by Representative Frederica Wilson (D-FL) and s ponsored in the Senate by Marco Rubio (R-FL), Kamala Harris (D-CA), and Cory Booker (D-NJ ).  This is a welcome and positive evolution. It will exist of import for the Committee to fully understand the challenges facing Black men specifically, in social club to target policy accordingly. Black boys and Blackness men, in particular, run the gauntlet of a specific brand of racism, at the sharp intersection of race and gender .

Hither, nosotros provide some key facts on Blackness men 's outcomes  in 8 important domains ,  c ompar ed to Black women, white women, and white men .

one. Teaching

In 2019, 28% of Blackness men ages 25-29 had a bachelor's caste or higher, compared to 30% of Black women, over twoscore% of white men, and nearly one-half of white women , a ccording to the National Center of Teaching Statistics  in 2019 . The gap is greater however at college education levels: just half as many Blackness men have a Primary's degree (four%) as Black women (nine%), white men (8%) and white women (13%):

2. Upward mobility

Black women and white women raised by low-income parents (those in the bottom twenty% of the income distribution) take similar rates of upward intergenerational mobility, measured in terms of their individual income as adults . Black men, by contrast, are much less likely than white men to rise up the income ladder , according to Raj Chetty and his team at Opportunity Insights  who take crunched the numbers on twenty million Americans in the 1978-1983 birth cohorts . A 3rd of white men raised by depression-income parents end up in the top 40% of the income distribution as adults, compared to merely 19% of Black boys.

The figure beneath shows  the probability of moving upwardly the income ladder for children raised by low-income parents by race. The data shows that Black men raised by depression-income parents face twice the take chances of remaining stuck in intergenerational poverty ( 38% ) as Black women (20%)  in terms of their individual income . Note however that Black women fare worse in terms of household income than in private income , especially compared to whites—itself a reflection, in office, of the worse outcomes for Black men .

iii. Earnings

Black workers—regardless of gender—earn less than white workers , and white men  have substantially out-earned  white women and Black workers  since 1980 , according to Current Population Survey  data . For both Blackness and white workers, men earn more ; but the gender gap is much smaller for Black workers. The figure below shows the weekly earnings of full-time workers  (hourly and non-hourly) for Black and white workers by gender since 1980. The results are hit: Blackness men earn $3 78  less per calendar week than white men  and $125 less than white women . Overall white women have seen the biggest increment in earnings, overtaking Black men in the 1990s.

iv. Labor force participation

The  labor force participation rate for  Black men anile 20 and over is 5.6  percent points lower than for white men , the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics  estimates (note that this excludes the incarcerated population). Many one thousand en and women face unlike considerations when deciding to participate in the labor force  –  here for simplicity nosotros compare Black and white men in terms of fifty abor force participation :

v. Unemployment during the COVID-19 pandemic

Black men have the highest unemployment rate of noncombatant non-institutionalized Black and white men and women over age 20 , a ccording to the Bureau of Labor Statistics . There was a large race gap in unemployment  (independent  of gender ) fifty-fifty before COVID-19 swept the U.S.

Prior to March 2020, Black men consistently had among the highest unemployment rates  of Blackness and white workers . Unemployment shot upward  for anybody  in April , and Black women faced higher unemployment than Blackness men for two months . As unemployment began to autumn for most in June, Black men's unemployment rose  and remained loftier  through September (the terminal month data is available) . In September , 12.six% of Black men were unemployed ,  compared to 6.5%  of white men.

6. Life expectancy

Women live longer than men, on average—but there are large race gaps, besides. L ife expectancy is lowest for Black men  (among Blackness and white people) , a ccording the CDC National Eye for Health Statistics , both at nascency and at age 65. For white men, life expectancy at birth  is virtually vi  years lower  than at age 65 . But f or Black men , that gap is over 9 years — showing that Black men are more likely to dice prematurely.

7. COVID-19 death

B lack men accept been the nigh likely amidst Black and white Americans  to die of COVID-19  at a rate 2.4 times that of white men , a ccording to CDC  data through July 2020 . The figure below testify ed that 80 of 100,000  Black men in the U.Southward. ha d  died of COVID-19 by July 4.

8. Criminal justice

Black men face a much higher run a risk of being incarcerated, a ccording to Bureau of Justice  data . The figure below shows the proportion of due south tate and federal prisoner s of each race and gender, compared to the shared of the U.Southward. adult population . Black men are overrepresented amidst prisoners by a factor of five (32% 5. vi%).

The case for action

These are hard facts but ones that take to be faced in order to respond to the once-in-a-generation moment of racial reckoning taking place in the U.S. correct at present. Policymakers should consider Black men's feel —and these select facts— through the lens of "intersectionality," a framework pioneered past Kimberlé Crenshaw for examining how identities can combine to create specific nodes of disadvantage. Intersectionality points to the need to see individuals in the context of a wide range of identities, rather than in unproblematic binary terms, such as male person or female, Black or white or gay or straight. This can highlight the position of "multiply-burdened" groups, equally Crenshaw puts information technology .

On many social and economic measures, Blackness men fare worse not only than white men, but white and Black women , as we testify higher up. Role of the crusade is that Black men are "uniquely stigmatized," according to studies of implicit bias conducted by political scientists Ismail White and Corrine McConnaughy: chiliad ore than 40% of white respondents rank "many or almost all" Blackness men as "violent." White men are less than half equally probable to exist described in this way, at about the same rates every bit for Black women, while white women are very unlikely to be labeled equally violent.  It's no surprise, then, that Black men are as well more likely to be stopped by the constabulary, more probable to be frisked, more than likely to be arrested, more probable to be bedevilled, and more likely to be killed by law enforcement . As Rashawn Ray, a Rubenstein Fellow at Brookings argues, "Blackness men have a different social reality from their black female person counterparts," he writes. "The perceptions of others influence black men's social interactions with co-workers and neighbors [and] structure a unique form of relative impecuniousness…In this regard, the intersectionality framework becomes useful for illuminating black men's multiplicities and vulnerabilities."

Given the weight of show on the specific , and unique  plight of Black men, full general p olicy recommendations volition not suffice. Breaking the cycle of intergenerational disadvantage for Black boys and men requires first a deeper understanding the gender ing of their rac east—and the racialization of their gender—and second, a battery of specifically tailored policy interventions: a New Bargain for Black Men, no less.

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Source: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2020/11/19/the-challenges-facing-black-men-and-the-case-for-action/

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